1. Such is the influential thesis of Emil Kaufmann. See Architecture in the Age of Reason (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1955), 181ff. in particular.

2. Giorgio Ciucci, "The Invention of the Modern Movement," Oppositions 24 (1981): 69.

3. Barbara Miller Lane, Architecture and Politics in Germany, 1918-1945, 2d ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985).

4. See Leonardo Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, vol. 2, The Modern Movement (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1971), 585ff., and John Willett, Art and Politics in the Weimar Period (New York: Pantheon, 1978), 168ff.

5. An idea of the international effort at publicizing the new architecture can be gained from the bibliographic sources listed by the historian of modern architecture Leonardo Benevolo (in History of Modern Architecture, 2:843). He includes: Walter Gropius, Internationale Architektur (1925); Ludwig Hilbersheimer, Internationale neue Baukunst (1926); G. A. Platz, Die Baukunst der neuesten Zeit (1927); P. Meyer, Moderne Architektur und Tradition (1928); Henry Russell Hitchcock, Modern Architecture: Romanticism and Reintegration (1929); Bruno Taut, Die neue Baukunst in Europa und Amerika (1929), translated into English the next year; M. Malkiel-Jirmounsky, Les Tendances de l'architecture contemporaine (1930); S. Cheney, The New World Architecture (1930); and A. Sartoris, Gli elementi dell'architettura razionale (1932). Le Corbusier's Vers une architecture (1923) was translated into English as Towards a New Architecture in 1928. In America, the most influential texts were Le Corbusier; Henry Russell Hitchcock and Philip Johnson's catalog for the 1932 exhibition, The International Style; Laszlo Moholy-Nagy's The New Vision (1928); Gropius's The New Architecture and the Bauhaus (1935); followed by Nikolaus Pevsner's Pioneers of the Modern Movement from William Morris to Walter Gropius (1936) and by Walter Behrendt's survey Modern Building (1937). Throughout the period, the Museum of Modern Art in New York, with a Department of Architecture and Design founded and directed by Philip Johnson, was the undisputed center for the ideas of aesthetic modernism in the United States.

6. See Nikolaus Pevsner, Pioneers of Modern Design: From William Morris to Walter Gropius, 3d ed. (New York: Penguin, 1960), and Siegfried Giedion, Space, Time, and Architecture: Growth of a New Tradition, 5th ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973). Pevsner's revised edition for Penguin has a slightly different title from that for the first edition. The first meeting of CIAM was held in 1928 in the La Sarraz castle in Switzerland, property of a patron of modern artists, Hélène de Mandrot. The Germans were not heavily represented, a fact that reveals the difference of ideological approach at the outset of the Modern Movement. Le Corbusier, who was forty-one at the time, had included the older generation: the Dutchman Hendrik Berlage (seventy-two), the Swiss Karl Moser (sixty-eight), and the Frenchmen Tony Garnier (fifty-nine) and Auguste Perret (fifty-four). The CIAM's meetings became more difficult as the war approached: The fourth congress (that of Athens, in 1933) was followed by the fifth in Paris four years later. The work continued during the war in New York, in England, and underground in the Netherlands. In 1947, the British chapter called the sixth congress. CIAM ceased meeting at the end of the 1950s after acrimonious debates that started with continue

the ninth congress, in 1953 (see Ciucci, "Invention," and Giedion, Space, Time, 696-706).

7. In the foreword to the first edition, Giedion clearly announced that he saw in modernism the potential and the depth of a new classicism and that he attributed to architecture a central position in modern culture. He wrote: "I have attempted to establish, both by argument and by objective evidence, that in spite of the seeming confusion there is nevertheless a true, if hidden, unity, a secret synthesis, in our present civilization. To point out why this synthesis has not become a conscious and active reality has been one of my chief aims. My interest has been particularly concentrated on the growth of the new tradition in architecture, for the purpose of showing its interrelations with other human activities and the similarity of methods that are in use today in architecture, construction, painting, city planning and science" (Giedion, Space, Time, vi).

8. See Kenneth Frampton, Modern Architecture: A Critical History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), 29-40.

9. On illumination, heating, ventilation, and humidity control, see Reyner Banham, The Architecture of the Well-Tempered Environment (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969). On materials and on architecture's relations with technology, see Giedion, Space, Time, 163-290.

10. The units consisted of "wooden ridges and furrow frames for the glass, . . . iron lattice girders on which the [glass] panes rested, and . . . cast-iron supporting pillars, bolted together floor by floor" (Giedion, Space, Time, 252). The construction also borrowed from the technology of railroad sheds; it was supervised by Charles Fox, a railroad engineer, and finished in four months. Heat was a major problem under the glass canopy, solved temporarily by English weather. Kenneth Frampton observes that the Crystal Palace "was not so much a particular form, as it was a building process made manifest as a total system, from its initial conception, fabrication and trans-shipment, to its final erection and dismantling" ( Modern Architecture, 34).

11. Le Corbusier, The Decorative Art of Today, transl. James Dunnett (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1987), 139. On Delaunay and the tower, see Stephen Kern, The Culture of Time and Space, 1880-1918 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 143, 185, 207.

12. Walter Gropius, quoted by Reyner Banham in A Concrete Atlantis: U.S. Industrial Building and European Modernist Architecture 1900-1925 (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1986), 203, and Chap. 3. See also Le Corbusier, Towards A New Architecture, transl. Frederick Etchells (1927; reprint, New York: Praeger, 1970), 17-24. The exaltation of the machine and its products indirectly celebrates the engineer's role; see Le Corbusier, Towards a New Architecture, 105ff., and Decorative Art, Chap. 8.

13. Clement Greenberg, quoted by Matei Calinescu, Five Faces of Modernity (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1987), 222.

14. Thomas Crow, "Modernism and Mass Culture in the Visual Arts," in Benjamin Buchloh, ed., Modernism and Modernity: The Vancouver Conference Papers (Halifax: Press of Nova Scotia College of Art and Design, 1983), 221 (emphasis added). Crow is commenting upon Clement Greenberg's pathbreaking essay of 1939, "Avant-Garde and Kitsch." Crow notes that Greenberg's steadfast distinction continue

between kitsch and modern popular culture prevented him from seeing that the art avant-gardes were not only repulsed by mass culture and pressured by it to defend creative freedom; they were also fascinated by vernacular materials and even by kitsch.

15. Because its producers seek effect, mainly through sentimental associations, "any recourse [of kitsch] to sentiment and irrationality is bound to be transformed into a rational recipe-book of imitations" (Hermann Broch, "Notes on the Problem of Kitsch," in Gillo Dorfles, ed., Kitsch, the World of Bad Taste [New York: Universe Books, 1969]). See also Umberto Eco's enlightening work, "La Struttura del Cattivo Gusto," in Apocalittici e Integrati, 3d ed. (Milano: Bompiani, 1964), 65-129.

16. See Martin Pawley, Architecture versus Housing (New York: Praeger, 1971), Chaps. 1-2. On Howard, see Robert Fishman, Urban Utopias in the Twentieth Century (New York: Basic Books, 1977).

17. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in Robert Tucker, ed., The Marx-Engels Reader (New York: Norton, 1978), 476.

18. Le Corbusier, Decorative Art, 133ff.

19. The canonically approved "precursors" of the late nineteenth century are found a little everywhere. Retrospectively, historians tend to include most of the innovative designers working from the late 1870s to the 1890s on, without weighing their respective influence. In rough chronological order, they are as follows. (1) The architects of Art Nouveau, which was most successful as a movement in the decorative arts. It started in Brussels in the 1880s and included the innovative architecture of Victor Horta and, later, Henry Van de Velde; the movement spread throughout Europe under the names of Liberty or Jugendstil. In Barcelona, the solitary and obsessed architecture of Antoni Gaudí is usually classified with Art Nouveau. (2) The British architects still attached to the Arts and Crafts Movement--Norman Shaw, Charles Voysey, Arthur Mackmurdo, Charles Rennie Mackintosh, and the Glasgow school (neither Pevsner nor Giedion name Sir Edwin Lutyens, the imperial architect "rediscovered" by Robert Venturi and adopted as a source by postmodernism). (3) The Austrian school of Otto Wagner, identified with the artists of the Sezession, includes Josef Hoffman, Josef Olbrich, and, importantly, Adolf Loos, author of the famous 1908 pamphlet "Ornament and Crime." (4) The Americans: Henry Richardson and, above all, Louis Sullivan and the "architect-engineers" of the Chicago school; the designer of the first steel frame building, William Le Baron Jenney; Dankmar Adler, Sullivan's brilliant engineering partner; the firms of Holabird and Roche and of Burnham and Root. The American twentieth-century master, Frank Lloyd Wright, had been an apprentice of Sullivan. Through the publication of his work, Wright's influence spread to Holland and Germany. (5) Finally, in Amsterdam, the relatively isolated work of Hendrik Berlage, who after 1911 introduced the architecture of Wright and other Americans to Europe. In the Amsterdam Stock Exchange of 1898, Berlage produced a building recognized in its own time as the first realization of a purified architecture (Giedion, Space, Time, 308-16). (6) The French designers who experimented brilliantly with reinforced concrete and glass fall out of the chronology: Henri Labrouste built his magnificent Bibliotheque Nationale in the period 1858-68, while Auguste Perret and Tony Garnier began to work in the first years of the twentieth century.

Before the war, innovations were particularly notable in the design of furniture and appliances. The inspiration came from England's Arts and Crafts Movement continue

(see Pevsner, Pioneers, Chap. 6, and Gillian Naylor, The Arts and Crafts Movement [London: Studio Vista, 1971]). Interesting observations on progressive furniture design in Germany can be found in Janos Frecot and Sonja Günther, "City, Architecture, and Habitat," in Eberhard Roters, ed., Berlin 1910-1933 (Secaucus, N.J.: Welfleet Press, 1982), 25-28. On the work of the German and the Austrian Werkbunds, see Joan Campbell, The German Werkbund: The Politics of Beform in the Applied Arts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), Chaps. 1-2 and the Bibliography.

20. Giedion sees the cultural crisis of the nineteenth century as the divergence between "the paths of science and the arts. . . . The connection between methods of thinking and methods of feeling was broken" (Giedion, Space, Time, 182).

21. Bruno Zevi, Storia dell'Architettura Moderna (Torino: Einaudi, 1961), 26 (my translation). See also Paul C. Vitz and Arnold B. Glimcher, Modern Art and Modern Science: The Parallel Analysis of Vision (New York: Praeger, 1984).

22. As early as 1836, the great German architect Karl Gutzkow, comparing England's industrial buildings to its neo-Gothic Parliament, commented: "Desperate to invent a modern style of architecture, we have turned in our newer epoch back to antiquity or the Middle Ages, and thereby admit either our extraordinary lack of spirit and imagination, or the sobering facts and utility factors behind some buildings being made preferably modern, such as granaries, housing for invalids and the like" (quoted by Heinrich Klotz, The History of Postmodern Architecture [Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1988], 12).

23. Adolf Loos in Ulrich Conrads, Programs and Manifestoes on Twentieth-Century Architecture (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1970), 19, 20, 22.

24. Marcel Franciscono, Walter Gropius and the Creation of the Bauhaus in Weimar (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971), 29-30.

25. Ian Boyd White in Tilmann Buddensieg, ed., Industriekultur: Peter Behrens and the AEG (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1984), ix. See in particular the articles by Tilmann Buddensieg ("Industriekultur") and Fritz Neumeyer ("The Workers' Housing of Peter Behrens"). Behrens's office attracted as assistants men who were to become the masters of the Modern Movement: Walter Gropius met his partner Adolf Meyer in Behrens's office and, in 1910, presented to Walter Rathenau a prescient proposal for prefabricated housing; Ludwig Mies van der Rohe collaborated with Behrens for several years and was directly influenced by his neoclassical side; and, for a few months before the war, Le Corbusier, who admired what he saw but harbored doubts about the office's functionalist side.

26. See Wright's 1901 lecture, "The Art and Craft of the Machine," in Frank Lloyd Wright: Writings and Buildings, selected by Edgar Kaufmann and Ben Raeburn (Cleveland: Meridian, 1967), 55-73, and also "The Nature of Materials," 222-29.

27. Ludwig Hilberseimer, Architettura a Berlino negli Anni Venti (Milano: Franco Angeli, 1981), 41-42 (my translation).

28. Futurism was primarily a literary movement, inspired and led by the poet Filippo Marinetti. The manifesto for architecture, the work of Antonio Sant'Elia, appeared in 1914, backed by a series of audacious drawings, which nevertheless remained within "the traditional canons of perspective." Sant'Elia died in World War I, and his unfulfilled experiment, says the historian Leonardo Benevolo, continue

remains "ambiguous and uncertain." It has been interpreted "as an anticipation of Gropius and Le Corbusier, or as an argument against international architecture and in favour of a hypothetical autonomous Italian tradition" (Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, 2:396-97). Expressionism was particularly important in German painting, both before and after World War I. In architecture, its most noted representatives were Hans Poelzig (born in 1869), Erich Mendelsohn, and, despite their association with the Modern Movement, Bruno Taut, Hugo Häring, and Hans Scharoun, among others. Taut recognized Paul Scheerbart, the utopian poet of glass architecture who died in 1915, as an inspiration. The important Belgian architect Henry Van de Velde (born in 1863) was closely associated with Germany, where he directed the Weimar School of Applied Arts. Van de Velde had been one of the masters of art nouveau, from which the veering toward expressionism is logical, after the decoration is restrained. The most characteristic feature of expressionism is the emphasis on unique, original forms that tend toward the organic fluidity of nature (which, by definition, produces unique forms). Concrete, which permits the articulation of many different forms in one single material, is a favorite medium. After World War II concrete was easier to use in clearly expressionist manner, for instance, by Paul Rudolph and Eero Saarinen of the United States or by Jörn Utzon of Denmark in the Sydney Opera House. There is no doubt that Le Corbusier's later work is expressionist in part or whole, as in the noted examples of the church of Notre Dame du Haut at Ronchamps, the chapel within the Dominican convent of La Tourette, and the General Assembly Building and High Court of Chandigarh, the capital he designed at Nehru's request for East Punjab.

29. "Arbeitsrat für Kunst," in Conrads, Programs, 44-45.

30. Le Corbusier, Towards a New Architecture, 14; 210, 261-69.

31. In 1929, for instance, Le Corbusier was awarded the contract for a partially built Centrosoyuz in Moscow; one year later, Ernst May and a team of twenty-two architects, including Mart Stam and Hans Schmidt, left Germany to work in the Soviet Union; Hannes Meyer and a group of former Bauhaus students were also involved in planning; Bruno Taut moved his practice in 1931 to Moscow (Willett, Art and Politics, 217-18).

32. See Pawley, Architecture, Chap. 2, and Ronald Wiedenhoeft, "Workers' Housing as Social Politics," in VIA IV: Culture and the Social Vision (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1980), 112-25.

33. Charles Maier, "Between Taylorism and Technocracy: European Ideologies and the Vision of Industrial Productivity in the 1920s," Journal of Contemporary History 5, no. 2 (April 1970): 29.

34. Mary Nolan, "Housework Made Easy: The Taylorized Housewife in Weimar Germany's Rationalized Economy," Feminist Studies 16 (1990): 549-78.

35. Maier, "Between Taylorism and Technocracy." See the thesis by Jost Hermand, "Unity within Diversity? The History of the Concept 'Neue Sachlichkeit,'" in Keith Bullivant, ed., Culture and Society in the Weimar Republic (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1977). Hermand argues that the Nazis attacked and condemned expressionism and the left-wing art of the 1920s. They allowed Neue Sachlichkeit to flourish in all but its openly left and critical forms.

36. Maier, "Between Taylorism and Technocracy," 59.

37. The most noted are André Lurçat, Pierre Chareau, the designer of a canonical glass house, Robert Mallet-Stevens, Eugène Beaudoin, and Marcel Lods, who, continue

in the 1930s, used economically and technically farsighted methods (metal skeleton and prefabricated infill elements of reinforced concrete as well as, stairs, balustrades, etc.) in public housing and schools. See Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, 2:595ff.

38. These prototypes, famous in architectural history, were named the Domino House (1914) and the Monol and Citrohan houses (1920-22). They were partly realized in the project Le Corbusier built for the industrialist Henri Frugès at Pessac in 1925 and in the Paris International Exhibition of Decorative Arts of that year, in which, to the distaste of the exhibition's committee, Le Corbusier built, out of real materials, his "pavillon de l'Esprit Nouveau" and also exhibited the Plan Voisin for the center of Paris. See Charles Jencks, Le Corbusier (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973).

39. Le Corbusier's work of the 1920s and early 1930s includes the "ideal villas" built for rich and enlightened clients in the suburbs of Paris: the Cook House in Boulogne (1926), the villa for Leon Stein, Gertrude's brother (1927), the Villa Savoye at Poissy (1929-31), and the different Errazuriz Villa in Chile (1930). He had also realized two apartment buildings for the Weissenhof exhibit of 1927, the Salvation Army City of Refuge shelter in Paris (1929-33), the Swiss Pavilion in Paris's University City (1930-32), the botched Centrosoyuz in Moscow (1929), an apartment building in Geneva, and little else. His most influential projects were the unrealized competition designs for the League of Nations in Geneva (1927) and the Palace of the Soviets in 1931. The former, in particular, was an outrage to the Modern Movement; it led to the foundation of CIAM to henceforth support modern architects in competition. Le Corbusier had been selected among the nine winners, but the jury was tied. The politicians assigned the task of redesign to four traditionalist architects among the winners; their final submission, in neoclassic style, pirated Le Corbusier's plan. See Peter Blake, Le Corbusier (Baltimore: Penguin, 1964), Chap. 11.

40. Le Corbusier, quoted by Jencks, Le Corbusier, 121.

41. Pawley estimates that three million dwellings were completed between 1918 and 1933. Of these, the programs identified with the new architecture represented a small part: May's Frankfurt program realized only 15,000; in Berlin, the building society of the federation of industrial trade unions, the Gehag, produced 10,000 units in the period 1924-33, while three of the more traditional societies (for civil servants and white-collar unions) produced 71,000 units "in the form of tenements, semi-detached and detached houses between 1924 and 1929" ( Architecture, 33). Wiedenhoeft's figure for Berlin is 161,000 new dwellings (both publicly and privately funded) from 1925 to 1931 ("Workers' Housing," 120).

42. Catherine Bauer, "The Social Front of Modern Architecture in the 1930s," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 24, no. 1 (March 1965): 48. This article is a cogent retrospective analysis of the Modern Movement's social thrust.

43. In 1925, the extremely influential book by Adolf Behne, Der moderne Zweckbau (Modern Functional Construction), articulated the new ideas about building.

44. Lane, Architecture and Politics, 39.

45. See Wiedenhoeft, "Workers' Housing," 113ff.

46. W. Gaunt, "A Modern Utopia?" Studio 98 (1929): 859. break

47. Wiedenhoeft, "Workers' Housing," 118.

48. Pawley, Architecture, 28-29. I have also consulted Italian translations of German literature, in particular Carlo Aymonino, ed., L'Abitazione Razionale: Atti dei Congressi CIAM 1929-30 (Padova: Marsilio, 1971); Ernst May, Das neue Frankfurt (Bari: Laterza, 1975); Martin Steinmann, "Il Secondo CIAM e il Problema del Minimum," Psicon (Florence), 2-3 (1975): 61-70. In English, see Catherine Bauer's classic, Modern Housing (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1934), Part 4; Lane, Architecture and Politics; and Wiedenhoeft, "Workers' Housing."

49. Both quotations are in Klotz, The History of Postmodern Architecture, 24.

50. Of course, the fascists knew the symbolic importance of form and exploited it politically with extraordinary talent. On the spectacles designed and planned by the architect Albert Speer for the Nazis, see Lane, Architecture and Politics, and especially Robert Taylor, The Word in Stone (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974).

51. Bruno Taut, quoted by Lane, Architecture and Politics, 45.

52. Conrads, Manifestoes, 57-58.

53. Wiedenhoeft, "Workers' Housing," 120.

54. Its avowed purpose was, in part, to defend modern architects from the injurious treatment Le Corbusier had just suffered in the competition for the League of Nations. See Ciucci, "Invention," 70ff.

55. Richard Pommer and Christian F. Otto, Weissenhof 1927 and the Modern Movement in Architecture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 166.

56. Henry Russell Hitchcock and Philip Johnson, The International Style (New York: Norton, 1966), 20.

57. Hitchcock and Johnson, International Style, 41.

58. Bauer, "The Social Front," 49. She continues: "With this dogmatic approach, the Ernst May team soon set off for Russia, where it doubtless contributed to their failure, along with their inability to cope with a backward building industry."

59. Sybil Moholy-Nagy, who lived the Modern Movement, ironically points out that Hitchcock and Johnson "slew the anti-aesthetic, expedient, economic and socially conscious tendencies of the day with arguments that would have expelled them instantly from Le Corbusier's CIAM, Gropius' Bauhaus, Mies' Werkbund and Oud's De Stijl . . . no one caught [their] schizophrenic sleight of hand, least of all the diaspora architects who only wanted to be accepted" ("The Diaspora," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 24, no. 1 [March 1965]: 25).

60. An interesting note is that Mies van der Rohe, who was to develop in America the "curtain wall" and the exposed frame, believed so profoundly in the merits of brick that learning design and construction in brick was a fundamental part of his program at the Illinois Institute of Technology (William Jordy, "The Aftermath of the Bauhaus in America," in H. Fleming and B. Baylin, eds., The Atlantic Migration [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964], 512-13).

61. Le Corbusier, quoted in Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, 2:444-45. The contrast between "landed" and "grounded" buildings was developed for me by the architect Charles Gwathmey during an interview in which he contrasted the approach of his teacher Louis Kahn to that of Le Corbusier, recognizing both as main sources of inspiration. break

62. See Giedion, Space, Time, 837ff., and Jencks, Le Corbusier, 123.

63. It is interesting to observe the increasing ideological dogmatism in an inventive architect like the Swiss Hannes Meyer, Gropius's first and most controversial successor at the Bauhaus. For an Italian collection of his writings, see Hannes Meyer, Architettura o Rivoluzione (Padova: Marsilio, 1969).

64. Le Corbusier, La Charte d'Athènes (Paris: Minuit, 1957), 87-91 (my translation).

65. Rudolf Arnheim, The Dynamics of Architectural Form (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 10.

66. Steven Peterson, "Space and Anti-Space," Harvard Architecture Review 1 (1980): 91.

67. On Brasilia, see James Holston's important study, The Modernist City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989).

68. Alan Colquhoun, "On Modern and Postmodern Space," in Joan Ockman, ed., Architecture Criticism Ideology (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1985), 105.

69. In Barbaralee Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II (New York: Rizzoli, 1985), 93.

70. Karl Scheffler, quoted by Frecot and Günther, "City Architecture," 25.

71. William Conklin, "Forum: The Beaux-Arts Exhibition," Oppositions 8 (1977): 161-62.

72. Gropius, invited to chair the Department of Architecture at Harvard, was joined by his Bauhaus collaborator, Marcel Breuer; Mies van der Rohe, at the Illinois Institute of Technology, called to Chicago two teachers of his brief period as Bauhaus director, Ludwig Hilberseimer and Walter Peterhans; the graphic designers Herbert Bayer and Josef Albers ended up at Yale, and Laszlo Moholy-Nagy, with the sponsorship of the enlightened Walter Paepcke of the Container Corporation of America, reopened the Bauhaus as a graphic arts center in Chicago (after Moholy-Nagy's death in 1946 it was reabsorbed into the IIT; on this episode, see James Sloan Allen, The Romance of Commerce and Culture [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983], Chap. 2).

73. Jordy, "Aftermath," 522.

74. The dollar volume of new construction rose from $25.6 billion in 1946 to $29.5 billion in 1947 (constant dollars of 1957-59); in constant dollars of 1967, the volume of new construction, which becomes $31 billion for 1947, rose to $51.6 billion in 1954, then almost $57 billion in 1955. After a brief and small decline in 1956 and 1957, it returned to 1955 levels and jumped to $63 billion in 1959, $62.5 billion in 1960, $64.6 billion in 1961, $68 billion in 1962, $72.7 billion in 1963, and $75.2 billion in 1964 ( Construction Review, Dec. 1979, 6).

75. William Jordy, American Buildings and Their Architects, vol. 4, The Impact of European Modernism in the Mid-Twentieth Century (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday/Anchor Books, 1976), 222.

76. Moholy-Nagy, "Diaspora," 25. The true technological vision, indeed, was American. Since the late 1920s Buckminster Fuller had been denouncing the Bauhaus for the nullity of its technological program. See Reyner Banham's important treatise on (and partial rebuttal of) European modernism, Theory and Design in the First Machine Age (New York: Praeger, 1960), 326ff., for an endorsement of Fuller's technological genius demonstrated as early as 1927 in the Dymaxion House. break

77. See Jordy, American Buildings, 4:233, 237.

78. Robert Hughes, "Doing Their Own Thing," Time, Jan. 8, 1979, 52.

79. Michael Sorkin, "American Architecture since 1960: Quo Vadis," A & U (Tokyo) Extra ed. (March 1981): 24. Arguably, American business had discovered the advantages of design much earlier than in the 1950s (though later than the German AEG!): Norman Bel Geddes, noted for the "streamlined" design of automobiles and trains, invented the profession of industrial designer in the late 1920s. See Robert Stern's interesting comments about the 1920s in the United States: "Relevance of the Decade," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 24, no. 1 (March 1965): 6-10. See also Allen, Romance .

80. Suzanne Stephens, "Precursors of Postmodernism," in A & U (Tokyo) Extra ed. (March 1981): 334. The architects are Eero Saarinen, Edward Durrell Stone, Minoru Yamasaki, Philip Johnson, and Louis Kahn.

81. Klaus Herdeg, The Decorated Diagram (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1983), 79 (emphasis added). The group studied by Herdeg includes: I. M. Pei (with Philip Johnson, the most internationally established of American architects, both as a designer and a commercial success); his present partner Henry Cobb; Edward Larrabee Barnes; John Johansen; Philip Johnson; Paul Rudolph; Ulrich Franzen; Victor Lundy; and two of Gropius's partners in his firm The Architects Collaborative (TAC), John Harkness and Louis McMillen.

82. Quotations from a Gropius Master's Class Problem, in Herdeg, Diagram, 79.

83. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Vintage, 1961).

84. Robert Venturi, Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1966). Jacobs influenced Venturi's thought directly and indirectly. The most influential writing by an urban sociologist in this period was Herbert Gans's study of Boston's West End, parts of which appeared in the Journal of the American Institute of Planners (Feb. 1959) and are quoted by Jacobs ( Death and Life, 272). The whole study was published as The Urban Villagers (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1962). Gans was teaching in the 1950s and early 1960s at the University of Pennsylvania, in close association with Venturi and, especially, with Denise Scott Brown, who would later become Venturi's collaborator, wife, and partner. Scott Brown and Venturi acknowledge Gans's influence on their joint work.

85. Published in 1966, Venturi's book coincided with Aldo Rossi's Architecture of the City, which became highly influential in American schools after it was translated into English. Rossi's different departure from modernism speaks, in a sense, to cities ravaged not yet by "progress" but by war. Rejecting all surface work, Rossi and his followers in the new "rationalism" engage in a search for deep historical differences, which have sedimented into a morphology of types, of "urban artifacts." Apparently more confident than Venturi in both architecture and collective public life, Rossi meditates on "the historical use of geometric forms" and demands monuments whose beauty "resides both in the laws of architecture which they embody and in the collective's reason for desiring them" (Aldo Rossi, Architettura della Città [Padova: Marsilio, 1966]; English edition, revised by Rossi and Peter Eisenman, The Architecture of the City [Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1982], 126).

86. History of Postmodern Architecture, Klotz, 5. break

87. In Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II, 155.

88. Venturi, Complexity and Contradiction, 22-23 (emphasis added).

89. For instance, Mies's archetypal Seagram building illustrates the modernist's search for aesthetic, not functional, purity: Its back should look like the blank wall it actually is because of the wind's lateral forces. But Mies did not think twice about covering it with the same beautifully detailed I-beams that frame the glass panels at the front and sides. By "dressing" the back wall Mies gave to the building its intended and perfect unity of appearance. Such hard-achieved unity had to be shown off: the perfect modern building is designed to stand alone . Philip Johnson described to me in these words the plaza that cost Sam Bronfman (Mr. Seagram) a million dollars a year in rent: "Mies decided to put [the building] back. I didn't think of it. It didn't cross my dim brain, but it did Mies. He said 'just put it on the back of the site. There is no way you can get back to look at a building in New York, so we'll create our own foreground and you'll see our building.'"

90. Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown, and Steven Izenour, Learning from Las Vegas (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1972), 89.

91. Venturi, Complexity and Contradiction, 51, 52.

92. Venturi, Complexity and Contradiction, 102.

93. James Freed has commented that Mies "did not perceive that in the US these architectural issues would be worked out in a different way. . . . [He] unwittingly made it possible in the long run to build in a shoddier way. When Mies's followers took over with their determinist aesthetic, developers realized that they didn't have to use stone or expensive details. They saw the new aesthetic as giving them free rein to put up simple, unadorned cheap glass boxes. Mies's theories led to buildings that were too abstracted" (quoted in Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II, 93).

94. Charles Jencks, The Language of Post-Modern Architecture (New York: Rizzoli, 1977), 6.

95. Vincent P. Pecora, "Towers of Babel," in Diane Ghirardo, ed., Out of Site (Seattle: Bay Press, 1991), 49.

96. Hugh Hardy, quoted in Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II, 84.

97. The Architectural League's 1965 exhibition, "Forty under Forty" (a practice initiated in 1941), was curated by Robert Stern under the supervision of Philip Johnson; it included many of the names that were to become noted in the revision of the modern in following years. Stern noted in the catalog that the number one problem of the younger architects was always finding "the elusive client who will have confidence in a younger man" (or woman!). In 1967, the Museum of Modern Art presented "The New City: Architecture and Urban Renewal," bringing attention to a number of architects working in urban design--some, like Jaquelin Robertson and Alexander Cooper, in the administration of Mayor John Lindsay. In 1979, the influential Arthur Drexler of the MOMA curated "Transformations in Modern Architecture," a massive exhibit that covered architectural trends worldwide; its main characteristic was a raging eclecticism, which still made a large part for International Style monumentality.

98. Andreas Huyssen, "Mapping the Postmodern," in After the Great Divide (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1986), 187-88. break

99. The Institute was in a certain sense an extension of CASE (Conference of Architects for the Study of the Environment), a group of young East Coast architects and some of their teachers who had been meeting regularly since the early 1960s. CASE had self-consciously tried to emulate CIAM. Peter Eisenman says that "at various times the group included Bob Venturi [this is disputed by others], Richard Meier, Michael Graves, Tim Vreeland, Charles Moore, Mike McKinnell, Vincent Scully and Colin Rowe" (Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II , 72). On Oppositions , see Pecora, "Towers of Babel," and Joan Ockman, "Resurrecting the Avant-Garde," in Beatriz Colomina, ed., Architecture Production (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1988).

100. See Jencks, Language of Post-Modern Architecture , 80, and Abstract Representation (London: 1983).

101. Robert Stern, "The Doubles of Postmodern," Harvard Architecture Review 1 (1980): 76, 82.

102. "It consisted of elegant slab blocks fourteen stories high with rational 'streets in the air' (which were safe from cars but, as it turned out, not safe from crime); 'sun, space and greenery.'. . . It had a separation of pedestrian and vehicular traffic, the provision of play space, and local amenities such as laundries, creches and gossip centres" (Jencks, Language , 9). Note here the classical conceit of the architect: presuming that the people who had so vandalized, defaced, and mutilated Pruitt-Igoe hated the building and that the building had, itself, in some way caused their behavior rather than their forced displacements and their confinement with scarce jobs in the no-man's-land surrounding downtown St. Louis. Moreover, Jencks is wrong about the date of Pruitt-Igoe's demolition: only a piece was dynamited to make a dramatic point about the lack of federal funds for the long-slated demolition of a vacant project (personal communication from Roger Montgomery).

103. Dolores Hayden, Redesigning the American Dream (New York: Norton, 1984), 123.

104. Klotz, History of Postmodern Architecture , 75.

105. Vincent Scully, American Architecture and Urbanism , rev. ed. (New York: Henry Holt, 1988), 277 (emphasis added).

106. Johnson appeared holding a model of the AT&T building on the cover of Time (Jan. 8, 1979); when the design was selected, the New York Times gave it front-page coverage. See Todd A. Marder, ed., The Critical Edge: Controversy in Recent American Architecture (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1985).

107. William Pedersen, KPF's most noted designer, follows classical and symmetric principles of composition and uses classicist detail even where (as in the 1979-83 building at 333 Wacker Drive in Chicago) the overall form and the glass skin are clearly not "historicist." Among KPF's most notable designs, are the "mixed materials" and mixed vocabularies of the Hercules, Inc., headquarters in Wilmington (1979-83, design by Arthur May); the limestone and marble towers and generous site plan of the Procter and Gamble general offices complex in Cincinnati (1982-85), and a number of towers which try hard to be contextual and to respect the street (perhaps the most distinctive towers by William Pedersen are the 1982 building at 75 Federal Street in Boston and 125 East 57th Street in New York, finished in 1986). break

108. Scully, American Architecture , 278.

109. Klotz, History of Postmodern Architecture , 83.