1. Eugenio García Zarza, Evolución, estructura y otros aspectos de la población cacereña (Badajoz, 1977), 50 writes "la extensa comarca cacereñotrujillana es la que mejor encarna el severo y grandioso paisaje extremeño."

2. García Zarza, Población cacereña , 41. See also Gonzalo Martínez, S.I., Las comunidades de villa y tierra de la Extremeña Castellana (Madrid, 1983), 658.

3. Antonio C. Floriano, Estudios de historia de Cáceres , 1 (Oviedo, 1957): 53, 58.

4. Floriano, Estudios , 1:72; Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 447; a Roman burial site was found behind the castle.

5. Floriano, Estudios , 1: 44, 68, 77, 98-99.

6. Ibid., pp. 165, 167; García Zarza, Población cacereña , 39-40; Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 15. Martínez, Las comunidades , 661 says that the orders of Santiago and Calatrava and the militia of Plasencia

played an important role in the reconquest of Trujillo under Fernando III el Santo. The key town of Santa Cruz was reconquered in 1234.

5. Floriano, Estudios , 1: 44, 68, 77, 98-99.

6. Ibid., pp. 165, 167; García Zarza, Población cacereña , 39-40; Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 15. Martínez, Las comunidades , 661 says that the orders of Santiago and Calatrava and the militia of Plasencia

played an important role in the reconquest of Trujillo under Fernando III el Santo. The key town of Santa Cruz was reconquered in 1234.

7. In principle Cáceres was within the lands of León and Trujillo belonged to Castile, and therefore each should have been settled accordingly; see García Zarza, Población cacereña , 41. In reality, however, given the difficulties of reoccupying such a large region, probably virtually anyone willing to come could settle wherever.

8. Ibid., 40-42.

7. In principle Cáceres was within the lands of León and Trujillo belonged to Castile, and therefore each should have been settled accordingly; see García Zarza, Población cacereña , 41. In reality, however, given the difficulties of reoccupying such a large region, probably virtually anyone willing to come could settle wherever.

8. Ibid., 40-42.

9. Floriano, Estudios , 2: 53; he writes that Jews were coming to settle in Cáceres from the late thirteenth century. For the Jewish community in Trujillo, see Haim Beinart, Trujillo: A Jewish Community in Extremadura on the Eve of the Expulsion from Spain (Jerusalem, 1980).

10. Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, Extremadura: La tierra en la que nacían los dioses (Cáceres, 1981), 33-34.

11. Floriano, Estudios , 1: 126, 149, 171.

12. See Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, La Extremadura del siglo XV en tres de sus paladines (Madrid, 1964) for the careers of Gutierre de Sotomayor, Francisco de Hinojosa, Captain Diego de Ovando de Cáceres, and other men from Cáceres and Trujillo.

13. Simón Benito Boxoyo, Historia de Cáceres y su patrona (Cáceres, 1952), 124-125. For a critical discussion of the earliest manuscripts and interpretation of the legend, see Jacques Lafaye, Quetzalcoatl y Guadalupe: La formación de la conciencia de México (Mexico, 1977), 304-407.

14. Lafaye, Quetzalcoatl y Guadalupe , 309-310 points out the connections between the important Jeronymite monasteries and the Spanish crown. Monks from San Bartolomé de Lupiana founded the Jeronymite monastery at Guadalupe, and subsequently members of the Guadalupe monastery went to Yuste (founded 1408) and the Escorial (sixteenth century); the prior of Guadalupe himself went to the Escorial. The monastery also had connections with the Indies from the start. The royal capitulaciones granted Columbus were signed there, and on his return the first Indians brought to Spain were baptized there (see p. 311).

15. See Muñoz de San Pedro, La Extremadura del siglo XV , 258, 269, 298. Captain Diego did not actually ally himself with the Catholic monarchs until Isabella's brother Henry died in 1474, and he only handed over the fortress of Benquerencia in 1480. Two years later he received 250,000 maravedís in juros from the crown, subsequently the basis of the family entail. His son Nicolás de Ovando succeeded him as Comendador de Lares of the Order of Alcántara (Captain Diego de Ovando had accepted the encomienda of Lares in exchange for giving up the fortress). In 1502 King Ferdinand appointed Frey Nicolás de Ovando governor of the island of Hispaniola. Sancho de Paredes's descendants also upheld the tradition of

service to the crown. One of his grandsons, don Alvaro de Sande, became a high-ranking military officer and eventually the marqués de Piobera. In 1535 the Emperor Charles V's brother Ferdinand wrote to Sancho de Paredes in Cáceres in response to the letter that Sancho had sent with his grandson don Alvaro when he went to the Habsburg court. The German Habsburgs later played a key part in arranging Sande's ransom from the Turks in the 1560s; see Boxoyo, Historia de Cáceres, 47-48 and Huberto Foglietta, Vida de don Alvaro de Sande, with notes by Miguel Angel Orti Belmonte (Madrid, 1962), 88 (notes on book 1). The Chaves family also maintained the royal connection. A great-great-grandson of Luis de Chaves, el viejo, Juan de Chaves, accompanied the queens of Portugal and Hungary (sisters of Charles V) when they traveled through Extremadura in 1558; see Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, ed., Crónicas trujillanas del siglo XVI (Hinojosa manuscript) (Cáceres, 1952), xxx, 138.

16. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 17 writes that one or the other or both visited Trujillo seven times between June 1477 and August 1479; Isabella spent a total of nine months in the city. Ferdinand in fact died in the village of Madrigalejo (in Trujillo's district) in January 1516, in a house owned by the monastery of Guadalupe.

17. Archivo Municipal de Trujillo García de Sanabria A-1-1. (Hereafter cited as AMT.)

18. AMT Francisco Enríquez A-1-5-1.

19. Changes in the status of a town or village did modify the use of the term. People often continued to refer to towns like Berzocana and Cañamero that became independent in the sixteenth century as being in Trujillo's tierra (in fact, even after they became independent Trujillo continued to exercise certain kinds of jurisdictional functions, such as summoning people for military levies). Furthermore, certain places like Orellana la Vieja that were under señorial jurisdiction had longstanding and close ties with Trujillo because they belonged to noble families of the city and for most intents they were considered to be part of the city's tierra.

20. Juan Pérez de Tudela, ed., Documentos relativos a don Pedro de la Gasca y a Gonzalo Pizarro, 1 (Madrid, 1964): 80.

21. AMT 1584: IX-8.

22. David E. Vassberg, Land and Society in Golden Age Castile (Cambridge, 1984), 62. The agreement included the right to graze pigs during the acorn season but excluded hunting, fishing, or cutting wood in the montes.

23. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23.

24. Archivo General de Indias (Hereafter cited as AGI.) Indif. General 2083.

25. In the sixteenth century there actually were two types of censos;

Vassberg, Land and Society, 205 defines a censo as a ''contract involving an annual payment." The "censo al quitar" was essentially a mortgage on property in which the principal was redeemable. The other type, the "censo enfitéutico" was really a quitrent or agricultural lease that usually was long term, staying in families over generations. For discussion of these two types of censos, see Vassberg, Land and Society, 94-95 and 205-207.

26. Julius Klein, The Mesta: A Study in Spanish Economic History, 1273-1836 (Cambridge, Mass., 1920), 332-333. Klein did not list all the towns that protested, so it is not clear if Trujillo participated.

27. Henry IV in the fifteenth century also granted Trujillo a mercado franco, but the privilege lapsed under Ferdinand and Isabella.

28. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23.

29. Calculations of the cities' populations in the sixteenth century vary a great deal, according to the source, and further variations result from the use of different multipliers (usually 4.5 or 5.0); see Vicente Pérez Moreda, "El crecimiento demográfico español en el siglo XVI," in Jerónimo Zurita: Su época y su escuela (Zaragoza, 1986), 62-64 for discussion of coefficients. He suggests that 4.0 may be preferable to 4.5. For population figures for Cáceres and Trujillo, see Jean-Paul LeFlem, "Cáceres, Plasencia y Trujillo en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI (1557-1596)" Cuadernos de historia de España 45-46 (1967): 248-299. Angel Rodríguez Sánchez, Cáceres: población y comportamientos demográficos en el siglo XVI (Cáceres, 1977), 53 says censuses for Cáceres listed 1401 vecinos in 1557, 1471 in 1561, 1463 in 1584, 1547 in 1586, and 1647 in 1595. For population figures, see also Historia de Extremadura, 9 vols. (Badajoz, 1983), 3: 486; and Annie Molinié-Bertrand, "Contributions a l'étude de la société rurale dans la province de Trujillo au XVIe siècle," Mélanges offerts a Charles Vincent Aubrun, 2 vols. (Paris, 1972), 2: 128. While the exact figures cannot be established, it is clear that at midcentury the cities had between 6000 and 9000 inhabitants and that Trujillo was somewhat larger than Cáceres.

30. In 1532 something less than half the district's taxpaying population were vecinos of Cáceres itself--854 out of 1896 taxpayers; see Jose Luis Pereira Iglesias, "Atraso económico, régimen señorial y economía deficitaria en Cáceres durante el siglo XVI" (Memorial de licenciatura, Universidad de Extremadura, 1977), 148.

31. See LeFlem, "Cáceres, Plasencia y Trujillo," 254-255. For the most recent work on population levels and growth in the period, see Annie Molinié-Bertrand, Au siécle d'or: l'Espagne et ses hommes: La population du royaume de Castille au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1985). Urban populations especially were growing rapidly in this period. She calculates, for example, that Burgos grew 192 percent, to 20,000 inhabitants, in the

period from 1528 to 1561 (p. 135). Rates of growth in Castile's towns and cities, however, were far from uniform.

32. The status "ciudad," which the crown conceded to Trujillo in the fifteenth century, was a legal distinction that seems to have been mainly honorific. Madrid, for example, remained a "villa" even after it became Spain's capital.

33. Archivo General de Simancas Expedientes Hacienda 189-56 (hereafter cited as AGS); Exped. Hac. 66; Exped. Hac. 906. Generally the number of vecinos indicates the number of households; see note 29 above on multipliers.

34. AGS Exped. Hac. 189-56, Exped. Hac. 66.

35. Clodoaldo Naranjo Alonso, Solar de conquistadores: Trujillo, sus hijos y monumentos (Serradilla, Cáceres, 1929), 280-281. Cañamero and Berzocana, each with over 400 vecinos, purchased their independence from the crown in 1538 for 6000 ducados each.

36. According to Naranjo Alonso, Solar de conquistadores, 289, in 1585 Trujillo still held Herguijuela, Zarza (later Conquista), Zorita, Logrosán, Navalvillar, Madrigalejo, Campo, Alcollarín, Santa Cruz, Abertura, Escurial, Búrdalo (later Villamesías), Santa Ana, Ibahernando, and Robledillo. In the early seventeenth century Trujillo was ordered to sell Zarza, Herguijuela, Santa Cruz, Escurial, Búrdalo, Ruanes and Santa Ana (see p. 304). Martínez, Las comunidades, 661-662 lists a total of thirty-six pueblos that were once part of Trujillo's término.

37. See Archivo Municipal de Cáceres Libros de Acuerdo del Consejo, March 1554 (hereafter cited as AMC); and AGS Exped. Hacienda 240. The council maintained that it was only seven or eight related vecinos ("de una parentela") of Casar who were campaigning for independence for their own particular interests. Gonzalo Ulloa de Carvajal bought Torreorgaz in 1559; see Historia de Extremadura, 3: 440.

38. Pascual Madoz, Diccionario geográfico-estadístico-histórico de España y sus posesiones de Ultramar, 3d. ed. (Madrid, 1848-1850), 6: 35-36; Pedro Ulloa Golfín, Privilegios y documentos relativos a la ciudad de Cáceres . Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, Ms. 430 (18?) fols. 72-77.

39. See AGS Exped. Hac. 66; "primeramente decimos que este dicho lugar no tiene tierras ni los arrenda porque se las toma la villa de Cáceres como cabecera."

40. See Carmelo Solís Rodríguez, "El arquitecto Francisco Becerra: Su etapa extremeña," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 29 (1973):333.

41. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1580; AMT Libros de Acuerdo 1580.

42. AGS Exped. Hac. 189-56. Nearly 60 percent of Herguijuela's vecinos had vineyards as well, for a total of about thirty hectares; see Historia de Extremadura, 3: 598.

43. Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Granada (hereafter cited as ARCG) 511-2284-8.

44. Madoz, Diccionario, 5: 86, 87.

45. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 123, 563-564; Solís Rodríguez, "Francisco Becerra," 330.

46. The usual term of office for the corregidor was one or two years in the sixteenth century, and the practice of changing corregidors frequently seems to have been strictly observed. Benjamin González Alonso, El corregidor castellano (1348-1808) (Madrid, 1970), 140, 160 says that corregidors were nobles and tenientes were always letrados. If the corregidor was not himself a letrado, the teniente routinely performed the judicial functions of the office. At least one corregidor, Pedro Riquelme de Villavicencio, served both in Trujillo (1566-?) and Cáceres (term ended in 1570). The origins and development of the institution in the Middle Ages have been studied by Agustín Bermúdez Aznar, El corregidor en Castilla durante la Baja Edad Media (1348-1474) (Murcia, 1974). Cáceres had a "juez del rey" by 1345 and was one of fifteen cities in Castile that had a corregidor under Henry III (see p. 54, map, p. 64) and apparently continuously throughout the fifteenth century. Trujillo had a corregidor by 1480, and only three other cities in Extremadura had corregidors in the sixteenth century (Plasencia, Badajoz, and Mérida until 1520, Jerez de los Caballeros after 1520); see Historia de Extremadura, 3: 423.

47. Antonio C. Floriano, La villa de Cáceres y la Reina Católica: Ordenanzas que a Cáceres dio la Reina Doña Isabel Primera de Castilla (Cáceres, 1917), 36; Naranjo Alonso, Solar de conquistadores, 118. I have not seen a copy of Trujillo's fifteenth-century ordinances, but it is clear from the city council records that the señores de vasallos were not barred from serving on its council as was true in Cáceres.

48. See Carmen Fernández-Daza Alvear, "Linajes trujillanos y cargos concejiles en el siglo XV," in La ciudad hispánica durante los siglos XIII al XVI (Madrid, 1985), 419-432. She writes (p. 429) that Charles V curtailed the existing system of election to city council offices in 1544 because of the disturbances and factionalism that arose and made the thirteen regimientos proprietary offices. This change doubtless paved the way for the wealthy returnees from Peru to gain municipal office.

49. See AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1555 or AMT Actas 1558 for examples of disagreements between the corregidor and regidores of the cities.

50. See Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 208, 216, 218, 323. In Trujillo a gunsmith was employed for six years at an annual salary of 6000 maravedís; a harnessmaker in 1585 for 4000 maravedís and eight fanegas of wheat; an esparto grass weaver for 2000 maravedís in 1563; see AMT 1-2-70-101, 1-3-78-1.

51. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1574. The "mayordomo de propios y rentas" in Trujillo received 17,000 maravedís in 1564 and 24,000 maravedís in 1854; AMT 1-2-70-92.

52. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1575; AMT 1-2-70-74; 1-3-78-1; 1-2-70-90; 1-2-70-64.

53. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 278.

54. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1553, 1571, 1575, 1578, 1579.

55. AMT 1-3-78-1, 1-2-70-44, 1-2-70-34; AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1558.

56. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1574.

57. AMT 1-2-70-92, 1-2-70-136; it also paid an "algebrista" 3000 maravedís in the 1570s and 1580s; see AMT 1-2-70-103 and others.

58. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1579; Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 21.

59. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1575.

60. Trujillo's council gave the Hospital of Santa Lucía 50 ducados in 1564 and contributed 300 ducados to the construction of the Hospital of Espíritu Santo in 1591; see Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 289, 112.

61. AGS Diversos de Castilla 28, no. 1.

62. AMT 1-2-70-90; AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1575.

63. In November 1576 Trujillo's council made a contract with Juan Granado, vecino of Baeza and "author of comedies," for 130 ducados; Granado's wife was one of the players. The council spent 60,000 maravedís for Corpus Christi in 1565 and in 1587 obtained royal authorization to spend 300 ducados a year for the next six years to celebrate the holiday; see AMT 1-20-70-58 and Libros de Acuerdo 1576; see also AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1577.

64. The arciprestazgo included a group of parishes and usually coincided with the district of a city ("comunidad de villa y tierra"). But the label was not just administrative, since the arciprestazgo functioned with some independence with respect to the authority of the bishop, and the archpriest worked with the bishop in the planning and convocation of synods and diocesan councils; see Historia de Extremadura, 3: 428.

65. AMT 1585:I-7; Archivo del Conde de Canilleros (hereafter cited as ACC), Casa de Hernando de Ovando (HO), leg. 4, no. 47; Archivo Histórico Provincial de Cáceres Diego Pacheco 4113 (Godoy's will) (hereafter cited as AHPC).

66. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 170-175.

67. See Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 94-106 for the complicated debates and maneuvers that resulted in the establishment of this monastery.

68. In 1551 Pedro de Sosa, alcalde of the cofradía, rented out part of the dehesa of Cañadas de Orellana for three years at 14,200 maravedís a

year; see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. In 1578 Francisco de Herrera, as the cofradía's mayordomo, rented half the estate of Cabeza de la Sal to two vecinos of La Cumbre for 11,000 a year; see AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23. See also Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 112.

69. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 149, 150, 118, 311.

70. Naranjo Alonso, Solar de conquistadores, 504. Don Juan Pizarro Carvajal, who died in 1580, was a graduate of Salamanca who had spent time in Rome.

71. AMT 1585: 1-7.

72. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, 80.