1. "Ezokoku shiki" [c. 1780-1800], cited in Hokkaido suisanbu gyogyo choseika and Hokkaido gyogyo seido kaikaku kinen jigyo kyokai, eds., Hokkaido gyogyo shi (Nagano: Hokkaido suisanbu gyogyo choseika and Hokkaido gyogyo seido kaikaku kinen jigyo kyokai, 1957), p. 103 (hereafter cited as Hokkaido gyogyo shi ).

2. The huts, called hamagoya , survived as late as 1882. Hashimoto Takanao, "Esashi hamagoya no mukashi banashi," Ezo orai 4 (August 1931): 124-25.

1. "Ezokoku shiki" [c. 1780-1800], cited in Hokkaido suisanbu gyogyo choseika and Hokkaido gyogyo seido kaikaku kinen jigyo kyokai, eds., Hokkaido gyogyo shi (Nagano: Hokkaido suisanbu gyogyo choseika and Hokkaido gyogyo seido kaikaku kinen jigyo kyokai, 1957), p. 103 (hereafter cited as Hokkaido gyogyo shi ).

4. Hanley and Yamamura, Economic and Demographic Change in Preindustrial Japan , p. 12.

5. See E. Sydney Crawcour, "Economic Change in the Nineteenth Century," in The Cambridge History of Japan , ed. Marius B. Jansen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 5: 612-14.

6. Sakakura Genjiro, "Hokkai zuihitsu" [1739], in Hokumon sosho, ed. Otomo Kisaku (Tokyo: Hokko shobo, 1943-44), 2: 43.

7. "Ezo Matsumae kikigaki (Tsugaru kenbunki tsuki)" [1758], RCNS, leaf 43.

8. Hezutsu Tosaku, "Toyfiki" [1784], in Hokumon sosho, ed. Otomo Kisaku (Tokyo: Hokko shobo, 1943-44), 2: 325.

9. Ibid., p. 325.

10. Furukawa Koshoken, "Toyu zakki" [1789], in Kinsei sbakai keizai sosho, ed. Honjo Eijiro (Tokyo: Kaizosha, 1927), 12: 108, 113. For an account of Furukawa's tour of Tohoku and Hokkaido, see Harold Bolitho, "Travelers' Tales: Three Eighteenth-Century Travel Journals," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 50 (1990): 485-504.

11. Furukawa, "Toyu zakki," p. 129.

12. Mino Norio, "Nishin gyogyo to shinrin hakai: Furubira cho ni okeru rei," Hokkaido kaitaku kinenkan chosa hokoku, 26 (1987): 9-12.

13. "Mashike unjoya mondogaki" [1865/8], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

14. Mogami Tokunai, "Ezokoku fuzoku ninjo no sara" [1791], in Nihon shomin seikatsu shiryo shusei, ed. Takakura Shin'ichiro (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1969), 4: 447; Yajima Satoshi, "Kinsei koki Matsurnaechi ni okeru nenju gyoji shuzoku," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 1982), 3: 327-64.

15. Yajima Satoshi, "Nishin gyoba no minzoku," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Yajima Satoshi (Osaka: Seibundo, 1985), 7: 218-21. In the early twentieth century "nearly all local customs" of Nebuta village, near Fukuyama, were taken from Tsugaru. Oshima kyoikukai, ed., "Hakodate shicho kannai choson shi" [c. 1918], comp. and ed. Suzue Eiichi, Matsumae ban to Matsumae 24 (March 1985): 43. Taboos involving women were not unusual in fishing communities elsewhere in Japan. See Arne Kalland, Shingu: A Study of a Japanese Fishing Community (London and Maimö: Curzon Press, 1981), p. 57.

16. Suzue, Hokkaido choson seidosbi no kenkyu, p. 57.

17. Ibid., pp. 63-65.

18. Ibid., pp. 76-77.

19. Hokkaido cho, Hokkaido shi , appendix 3, p. 42.

20. The following account of the Tenpo years in Matsumae is taken from Hakodate ken, comp., "Matsumae Tenpo kyokoroku" [1929], Hokkaido shi hensan shiryo 415, RCNS; it is an abridged version of "Biko chochiku ikken" [1886], which was based on interviews with elderly residents conducted by officials of Hakodate prefecture in villages under its jurisdiction. For a general description of the Tenpo period, including the famine, see Harold Bolitho, "The Tempo Crisis," in The Cambridge History of Japan , ed. Marius B. Jansen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 5:116-67.

21. Hirao Rosen, "Matsumae kiko" [1855], in Hakodate shi shi: Shiryohen, ed. Hakodate shi (Hakodate: Hakodate shi, 1974), 1: 278-79. See Rosen's sketch of the customs office in SHS, 2: following p. 158.

22. Hirao, "Matsumae kiko," p. 279.

23. "Mashike unjoya mondogaki" [1865/8], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

24. "Tabibito aratamekata" [n.d.], in Nihon zaisei keizai shiryo, ed. Okurasho (Tokyo: Okurasho, 1925), 10: 223-24.

25. Ibid., pp. 223-24. A total of 109 new residents were naturalized in Fukuyama between 1860 and 1866. Of these, eighty (seventy-three percent) were men, and all but four came from Tohoku, Hokuriku, or Omi. "Hayashi-ke monjo: Ban nikki" [1860-66], in Matsumae cho shi henshfishitsu, ed., Matsumae cho shi (Matsumae: Matsumae cho shi henshushitsu, 1974-88), 2:655-1040 (hereafter cited as MCS).

26. "Mashike unjoya mondogaki" [1865/8], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

27. See loose docs. 1-6, Sasanami-ke monjo, RCNS.

28. Hokkaido gyogyo shi , p. 113.

29. Independent fishers appear not to have been prominent at the small contract fisheries close to the Wajinchi border until the end of the Tokugawa period. See, for example, Futoro murayakuba, ed., "Futoro gun Futoro mura gaikyo" [1908], and Kudo murayakuba, ed., "Kudo gun Kudo mura enkaku" [c. 1920], RCNS.

30. Matsuura Takeshiro, Takeshiro kaiho nikki [1856-57], 2 vols., ed. Takakura Shin'ichiro (Sapporo: Hokkaido shuppan kikaku senta, 1978), 1:388.

31. The register is reproduced in Saito Josaku, Isoya son shi (Sapporo: Salto Josaku, 1981), pp. 29-212.

32. "Mashike unjoya mondogaki" [1865/8], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

33. Saito, lsoya son shi , pp. 213-56. The independent producers are listed in the register as "herring fishery holders" ( nishinba mochi ), which indicates they held rights to waterfront land to process their catch. In contrast to almost all the entries for independent producers, those for hired laborers ( temadori ) rarely indicate ownership of nets or boats. The remaining households in the village included five "migrant workers" ( dekasegi ), whose place in production relations is unclear, and a number of agricultural settlers.

34. See, for example, docs. I-9-29 [1829], I-11-13 [1830/8], I-11-14 [1830/8], I-1443 [1833/10], I-26-8 [1840], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 155, 295-96, 296-97, 339, 648-49; Tajima, "Bakumatsuki 'basho' ukeoiseika ni okeru gyomin no sonzai keitai," pp. 65-66.

35. Tajima, "Bakumatsuki 'basho' ukeoiseika ni okeru gyomin no sonzai keitai," pp. 63-64.

36. Innkeepers performed a number of services for contractors. For example, Sato Eiemon, contractor of the lsoya and Utasutsu fisheries, relied on two innkeepers to look after his laborers wintering in the Ezochi. See "Tabibitotori Takeda-tsuke" [1859-71] and "Tabibitotori Yagitsuke" [1859-71], Hokkaido shi hensan shiryo 197, 198, RCNS. These inns functioned like the urban employment agencies examined by Gary E Leupp, Servants, Shophands, and Laborers in the Cities of Tokugawa Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), pp. 69-72.

37. "Zassho tojikomi" [1866], Nakagawaya monjo, Baba Collection, Hakodate Municipal Library; "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi" [1865-66], Sato-ke monjo.

38. An adult man needed an annual income equivalent to at least 1.8 koku of rice to support himself; this would have cost just under 3 ryo at Osaka prices at that time. Even allowing for higher commodity prices in Hokkaido fishery wages were not bad. On income needs, see Leupp, Servants, Shophands, and Laborers in the Cities of Tokugawa Japan , p. 104; on prices, see Miyamoto Mataji, ed., Kinsei Osaka no bukka to rishi (Osaka: Osaka daigaku kinsei bukka shi kenkyukai, 1963), pp. 117, 124.

39. Tajima, "Bakumatsuki 'basho' ukeoiseika ni okeru gyomin no sonzai keitai," pp. 66-67.

40. Saito, Isoya son shi , pp. 29-212.

41. Ibid.,pp. 213-56.

42. "Gyoba ninbetsu narabi ni amikazu kakiage" [1868/3], in Atsuta mura shiryo kohon: Sasaki-ke monjo , ed. Atsuta mura shiryoshitsu (Atsuta: Atsuta mura shiryoshitsu, 1967), pp. 24-42.

43. "Oboe" [1866/1], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

44. "Onshakkindaka narabi ni namen kakiage" [1866/7], Nakagawaya monjo, Baba Collection, Hakodate Municipal Library.

45. "Shiokoshi mura," in Akita ken no chimei ( Nihon rekishi chimei taikei , vol. 5), ed, Imamura Yoshitaka (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1980), p. 61. The article does not draw an explicit connection between the earthquake and the prevalence of people from Shiokoshi in the fishery. An alternative explanation is that people in the Yuri district of Dewa province, which included Shiokoshi, began seeking work in the Ezochi after salt production fell in the face of imports of inexpensive salt from the Inland Sea region. Igawa Kazuyoshi, "Kinsei no seien gijutsu to engyo keiei," Koryu no Nihonshi , as cited by Kikuchi, Hopposhi no naka no kinsei Nihon , p. 342.

46. For a description of the depressed state of the peninsular economy, see the 1873 document cited by Sasazawa Royo, Shimokita hanto shi , 3rd rev. ed. (Ohata: Shimokita kyodokai, 1962), pp. 5-6.

47. Hasegawa Toshiyuki, "Bakuhan taiseika ni okeru Ezochi dekasegi o meguru shomondai: Shimokita hanto nomin no dekasegi o chushin to shite," Usori 15 (1978): 20-47. See also Takeuchi Toshiyoshi, Shimokita no sonraku shakai: Sangyo kozo to sonraku taisei (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1968), pp. 51-80, and Narumi Kentaro, "Shimokita dekasegi shi ko," Usori 13 (1976): 51-59.

48. Takeuchi, Sbimokita no sonraku shakai , p. 56.

49. Murabayashi Gensuke, "Genshi manpitsu fudo nenpyo" [1804-18], in Micbinoku sosho, ed. Aomori ken bunkazai hogo kyokai, 1960 (reprint, Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai, 1982), 6: 131-32.

50. Hasegawa, "Bakuhan taiseika ni okeru Ezochi dekasegi o roeguru shomondai," pp. 26-33. When Shimokita peasants went to Hokkaido they apparently brought Ainu customs back with them. In 1809, 1810, and 1813 local officials banned the use of attush , an Ainu outer garment made from bark cloth, and prohibited the shaving of women's eyebrows in the Ainu manner. Murabayashi, "Genshi manpitsu fudo nenpyo," 6: 138, 150, 246, reported also that during the Tenreel period (1780-88) domain officials had forbidden the use of the Ainu language. On attush , see Kodama Marl, "Ainu minzoku no ifuku to fukushokuhin," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Yajima Satoshi (Osaka: Seibundo, 1985), 7: 294-97. Although it is possible that these injunctions were directed in part toward residual Ainu communities in Shimokita, it is likely that Wajin fishers sought out attush and other Ainu garments because they were so much more practical for cold, wet weather than anything the Wajin could make for themselves. Kikuchi Isao, "Kinsei Ou shakai no'Ezo' mondai,'' in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 4: 91-118, and Namikawa, "Kinsei zenki ni okeru Matsumae, Ezochi to kita Tohoku," pp. 11-15; Emori Susumu, personal communication, 1987.

51. Kakizaki Hirotsune, "Kuchigaki todome" [1837], Hakodate Municipal Library.

52. Hasegawa, "Bakuhan taiseika ni okeru Ezochi dekasegi o roeguru shomondai," pp. 26-33.

53. Esashi cho shi henshushitsu, ed., Esashi cho shi (Esashi: Esashi cho, 1978-81), 5:419 (hereafter cited as ECS).

54. Nihon gakushiin, ed., Meijizen Nihon gyogyo gijutsushi (Tokyo: Nihon gakujutsu shinkokai, 1959), pp. 410-13.

55. Takasaki Ryutaro, Kaokuzuiri Hokkai risshi hen (Hakodate: Hokutosha, 1897), 4: leaf 33.

56. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, ed., Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku (Tokyo: Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, 1892), p. 106.

57. For data on herring-meal prices, see Shinbo Hiroshi, Kinsei no bukka to keizai batten (Tokyo: Toyo keizai shinposha, 1978), pp. 250-51; Miyamoto, Kinsei Osaka no bukka to rishi , pp. 316-21.

58. SHS, 2: 262-63.

59. Shirayama Tomomasa, "Ezochi amikiri sodo shimatsu: Kinsei nishin ami hattatsu shi sobyo," Nihon rekishi 257 (October 1969): 105.

60. For Yoichi, docs. I-23-4 [1846], I-25-6 [n.d.], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 554-55, 596-97; for Hamamashike, Hamamasu suisan kumiai, ed., "Gyogyo enkakushi" [1911], Hokkaido Prefectural Library, leaf 5.

61. Shirayama, "Ezochi amikiri sodo shimatsu," pp. 105-6. See also "Ansel nenkan zaruami sojo tanmatsu" [n.d.], ECS, 2: 1363-80, and "Nishi Ezochi amikiri sodo narabi ni tateami myoga no oboe'' [n.d.], MCS, 2: 1055-69, upon which all secondary accounts are based.

62. SHS, 2: 600-609.

63. Hakodate magistrates to senior council, doc. 143 [1860/1/21], Tokyo daigaku shiryo hensanjo, ed., Dai-Nippon komonjo: Bakumatsu gaikoku kankei monjo (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1969), 34: 286-88; SHS, 2: 746-48.

64. See, for example, "Tateami sodan torikiwame hikae" [1866], Sasanamike monjo, ECS, 2: 1283-94.

65. Osaka Heizo, "Oshima no kuni Nishi gun Kumaishi mura gyogyo enkakushi" [1910], Hokkaido Prefectural Library, pp. 6-9; for 1869 figures, "Esashi-zai hachikason nishintori ninzu hikae" [1870/1], in "Taneda-ke monjo," Hokkaido shi hensan shiryo 200, RCNS.

66. Takahata Sen'ichi, Otaru-ko shi (Takikawa: Takahata Sen'ichi, 1899), p. 69.

67. "Sato-ke shoyo shorui (2)" [18681, Hokkaido shi hensan shiryo 135-10, RCNS.

68. "Gyoba ninbetsu narabi ni amikazu kakiage," pp. 24-42.

69. For discussions of the place of moral economy in peasant-domain relations, see Irwin Scheiner, "Benevolent Lords and Honorable Peasants: Rebellion and Peasant Consciousness in Tokugawa Japan," in Japanese Thought in the Tokugawa Period, 1600-1868 , ed. Tetsuo Najita and Irwin Scheiner (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), pp. 39-62; Stephen Vlastos, Peasant Protests and Uprisings in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); and Walthall, Social Protest and Popular Culture in Eighteenth-Century Japan .

70. Ezochi no tateami yameba shimaju
tairyo wa me no mae ni, mae ni .
Shamochi no nishin no aru yue ni
funebune kudari wa takusan ni, okami no
goshuno mo tanto tanto .
Kotoshi ya tairyo mansaku da .

"Shinban negoto monku tairyo mansaku bushi" [1862], cited in Shirayama, "Ezochi amikiri sodo shimatsu," pp. 106-7.

71. Doc. 1-33 [18431, Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 810.

72. Kikuchi, "Gaiatsu to dokashugi"; Kaiho, Nibon bopposhi no ronri , pp. 266-68.

73. See the discussion in David L. Howell, "Hokkaido ni okeru gyogyo gijutsu to gyoson no keisei katei: Bakumatsuki-Meiji chuki o chushin ni," Hokudai sbigaku 28 (1988): 30-32.

74. Docs. I-23-25 [1858/2] and 1-23-25-2 [1858/2], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 592-93.

75. Tajima Yoshiya, "Kinsei koki gyokaku nishin no shuka katei: Nishi Ezochi Yoichi basho o rei to shite," Rekishi to minzoku: Kanagawa daigaku Nihon jomin bunka kenkyujo ronshu 1 (1986): 167.

76. Doc. I-46-6-3 [1856], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 1266.

77. Takeya [Hayashi] Chozaemon to Nabeya Kichiemon, doc. I-39-20 [1857/312], doc. I-23-25-3 [1858/2], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 593-94.

78. Sato Eiemon to Nakagawaya Yusuke [1866/5/12], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

79. Takahata, Otaru-ko shi , p. 73.

80. Two village officials from Kaminokuni, Sasanami Kyuemon and Hisasue Heizo, appear to have been among the fourteen signers of the 1858 agreement in Yoichi. See doc. 1-23-25 [1858/2], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 592-93.

81. See "Kishida San'emon monjo: Ryoke shikomi" [1688-1911], ECS, 2: 1162-63, for two examples of destitute fishers offering the services of their sons as collateral for a debt.

82. Hezutsu, "Toyuki," p. 326.

83. Tabata Hiroshi, "Basho ukeoi seido hokaiki ni okeru ukeoinin shihon no katsudo," pp. 320-25.

84. See, for example, Kalland, Shingu, pp. 36-41,137-40.

85. ECS, 2: 43-44.

86. William D. Wray, "Shipping: From Sail to Steam," in Japan in Transition: From Tokugawa to Meiji , ed. Marius B. Jansen and Gilbert Rozman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 250-54; Mori Shogo, Bezaisen okanki: Hokkaido, Iwanai o biraita bitobito (Tokyo: Nihon keizai hyoronsha, 1983), p. 125.

87. "Kishida San'emon monjo: Ryoke shikomi," pp. 1070-1233.

88. On interest rates, see Ronald P. Toby, "Both a Borrower and a Lender Be: From Village Moneylender to Rural Banker in the Tempo Period," Monumenta Nipponlea 46:4 (Winter 1991), pp. 499-503; Dan Fenno Henderson, Village "Contracts" in Tokugawa Japan (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1975), pp. 106-18; John Henry Wigmore, Law and Justice in Tokugawa Japan, Part III-A: Contract: Legal Precedents (Tokyo: Kokusai bunka shinkokai, 1970), pp. 256-86; and Miyamoto, Kinsei Osaka no bukka to rishi , pp. 45-49. On the price paid by Kishida for herring, see, for example, the loan taken out by one Nagakawa Riemon in 1840, "Kishida San'emon monjo: Ryoke shikomi," pp. 1198-1200; on prices charged by supply merchants, see Hokusui kyokai, Hokkaido gyogy shiko, pp. 713-14.

89. "Kishida San'emon monjo: Ryoke shikomi," pp. 1182-83.

90. Ibid.,p. 1211.

91. See the petition of 1854/8 presented to the domain by a group of westcoast contractors, SHS, 2: 608.

92. See the series of documents in "Shoyo tojikomi" [1861], Date-ke monjo, MCS, 3: 832-39, and the discussion in Moriya, "Bakufu no Ezochi seisaku to zaichi no doko," pp. 153-56.

93. Moriya, "Bakufu no Ezochi seisaku to zaichi no doko," p. 156.

94. "Otasshigaki no utsushi" [1865112], "Hamamashike yoyogaki to-jikomi," Sato-ke monjo; "Zassho tojikomi" [1866], Nakagawaya monjo.

95. Sato Eiemon' to Fukuyama town elders [1866/3/29]; Sato Eiemon to Nakagawaya Yusuke [186612/3]; Sato Eiemon to Ike Yusuke (a Shonai official) [ 186612/3], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

96. Nakagawaya Yusuke to Hamamashike intendant [1866/11; Nakagawaya Yusuke to Sato Eiemon [186612129], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo. See also the documents relating to this matter in "Zassho tojikomi" [1866, 1867], Nakagawaya monjo.

97. Moriya, "Bakufu no Ezochi seisaku to zaichi no doko," pp. 131-48.

98. Kudo Mutsuo, "Tsugaru Fukaura-ko to bakumatsu ni okeru kaisen no nyushin jokyo," Kaijishi kenkyu 28 (April 1977): 26-42. See also Takase, "Kaga han ni okeru gyohi no fukyu."

99. See the account of the incident involving Shonai in Kelly, Deference and Defiance in Nineteenth-Century Japan , pp. 66-104.

100. Matsuzaki Iwaho, Kaminokuni son shi (Kaminokuni: Kaminokuni murayakuba, 1956), pp. 100-121; MCS, vol. 1, part 2, pp. 1160-83.

101. Suzuki Takahiro, "Matsumae ryomin no fukuryo undo," Matsumae ban to Matsumae 7 (March 1975): 15-34.

102. Ibid., p. 32.

103. Moriya, "Bakufu no Ezochi seisaku to zaichi no doko," pp. 148-50.

104. Ibid., pp. 148-50; Suzuki, "Matsumae ryomin no fukuryo undo," pp. 24-30.

105. Toby, "Both a Borrower and a Lender Be."

106. See the discussion of the centrality of interpretations of the Meiji Restoration in modern Japanese historiography in Hoston, Marxism and the Crisis of Development in Prewar Japan . For a reflection of this scholarship in English, see E. H. Norman, Origins of the Modern Japanese State: Selected Writings of E. H. Norman , ed. John W. Dower (New York: Pantheon, 1975).

107. Pratt, "Village Elites in Tokugawa Japan," and Roberts, "The Merchant Origins of National Prosperity Thought in Eighteenth Century Tosa."

108. Pratt, "Village Elites in Tokugawa Japan," pp. 7-8.

109. Roberts, "The Merchant Origins of National Prosperity Thought in Eighteenth Century Tosa," pp. 209-24.

110. Kalland, Shingu; Arne Kalland, "A Credit Institution in Tokugawa Japan: The Ura-tamegin Fund of Chikuzen Province," in Europe Interprets Japan , ed. Gordon Daniels (Tenterden, Kent, England: Paul Norbury Publications, 1984), pp. 3-12.

111. Although he eschews terms like feudalism and capitalism , Jones, Growth Recurring , structures his argument around this point.

112. Kriedte, Medick, and Schlumbohm, Industrialization before Industrialization , p. 10.

113. See ibid., pp. 9-10, and Eley, "The Social History of Industrialization," pp. 523-26, on the differences among the authors' conceptions of proto-industrialization. Franklin Mendels subtitled the article in which he coined the term proto-industrialization "the first phase of the industrialization process," which certainly suggests a teleology.